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Our modern ears struggle with the concept of demon possession because we want to explain things in naturalistic terms. Regardless of how one feels about the subject today, it's important to understand how first century people's felt in Jesus' time as we read the gospels. 

William Barclay's commentary has some helpful observations: 

IF Jesus’ words had amazed the people in the synagogue, his deeds left them thunderstruck. In the synagogue, there was a man in the grip of an unclean spirit. He created a disturbance, and Jesus healed him.

All through the gospels, we keep meeting people who had unclean spirits and who were possessed by demons or devils. What lies behind this?

The Jews, and indeed the whole ancient world, believed strongly in demons and devils. As the German scholar Adolf von Harnack put it, ‘The whole world and the circumambient atmosphere were filled with devils; not merely idolatry, but every phase and form of life was ruled by them. They sat on thrones, they hovered around cradles. The earth was literally a hell.’

Dr A. Rendle Short, the professor of medicine, cites a fact which shows the intensity with which the ancient world believed in demons. In many ancient cemeteries, skulls were found which had been trepanned. That is to say, a hole had been bored in the skull. In one cemetery, out of 120 skulls, six had been trepanned. With the limited surgical technique available, that was no small operation. Further, it was clear from the bone growth that the trepanning had been done during life. It was also clear that the hole in the skull was too small to be of any physical or surgical value; and it is known that the removed disc of bone was often worn as an amulet round the neck. The reason for the trepanning was to allow the demon to escape from the person’s body. If primitive surgeons were prepared to undertake that operation, and if people were prepared to undergo it, the belief in demon-possession must have been intensely real.

Where did these demons come from? There were three answers to that question. (1) Some believed that they were as old as creation itself. (2) Some believed that they were the spirits of the wicked who had died and were still carrying on their malignant work. (3) Most people connected the demons with the old story in Genesis 6:1–8 (cf. 2 Peter 2:4–5).

The Jews elaborated the story in this way. There were two angels who forsook God and came to this earth because they were attracted by the beauty of mortal women. Their names were Assael and Shemachsai. One of them returned to God; the other remained on earth and gratified his lust; and the demons are the children that he fathered and their children.

The collective word for demons is mazzikin, which means one who does harm. So the demons were malignant beings intermediate between God and human beings and who were out to work harm.

The demons, according to Jewish belief, could eat and drink and beget children. They were terrifyingly numerous. There were, according to some, 7,500,000 of them; everyone had 10,000 on the right hand and 10,000 on the left. They lived in unclean places, such as tombs and spots where there was no cleansing water. They lived in the desert where their howling could be heard—hence the phrase a howling desert. They were specially dangerous to the lonely traveller, to the woman in childbirth, to the bride and bridegroom, to children who were out after dark, and to those who voyaged at night. They were specially active in the midday heat and between sunset and sunrise. There was a demon of blindness and a demon of leprosy and a demon of heart disease. They could transfer their malign gifts to people. For instance, the evil eye which could turn good fortune into bad and in which all believed was given to an individual by the demons. They worked along with certain animals—the serpent, the bull, the donkey and the mosquito. The male demons were known as shedim, and the female as lilin, after Lilith. The female demons had long hair and were the enemies of children. That is why children had their guardian angels (Matthew 18:10).

It does not matter whether or not we believe in all this; whether it is true or not is beside the point. The point is that the people in New Testament times did. We still may use the phrase Poor devil! That is a relic of the old belief. When a man believed himself to be possessed, he was ‘conscious of himself and also of another being who constrains and controls him from within’. That explains why the demon-possessed in Palestine so often cried out when they met Jesus. They knew that Jesus was believed by some at least to be the Messiah; they knew that the reign of the Messiah was the end of the demons; and those who believed themselves to be possessed spoke as demons when they came into the presence of Jesus.

There were many exorcists who claimed to be able to cast out demons. So real was this belief that by AD 340 the Christian Church actually possessed an Order of Exorcists. But there was this difference—the ordinary Jewish and pagan exorcist used elaborate incantations and spells and magical rites. Jesus with one word of clear, simple, brief authority exorcised the demon. No one had ever seen anything like this before. The power was not in the spell, the formula, the incantation, the elaborate rite; the power was in Jesus, and people were astonished.

What are we to say to all this? Paul Tournier in A Doctor’s Casebook writes, ‘Doubtless there are many doctors who in their struggle against disease have had, like me, the feeling that they were confronting, not something passive, but a clever and resourceful enemy.’ Dr Rendle Short comes tentatively to the conclusion that ‘the happenings in this world, in fact, and its moral disasters, its wars and wickedness, its physical catastrophes, and its sicknesses, may be part of a great warfare due to the interplay of forces such as we see in the book of Job, the malice of the devil on one hand and the restraints imposed by God on the other’.

This is a subject on which we cannot dogmatize. We may take three different positions. (1) We may relegate the whole matter of demon-possession to the sphere of primitive thought and say that it was a primitive way of accounting for things in the days before more was known about the human body or the working of the mind. (2) We may accept the fact of demon-possession as being true in New Testament times and as being still true today. (3) If we accept the first position, we have to explain the attitude and actions of Jesus. Either he knew no more on this matter than the people of his day—and that is a thing we can easily accept, for Jesus was not a scientist and did not come to teach science. Or he knew perfectly well that he could never cure the person in trouble unless he assumed the reality of the disease. It was real to the person concerned and had to be treated as such or it could never be cured. In the end we come to the conclusion that there are some answers we do not know.

Barclay, W. (2001). The New Daily Study Bible: The Gospel of Mark (pp. 37–40). Saint Andrew Press.

סוֹפֵר (sopher); γραμματεύς (grammateus)

Someone employed for his ability to read and write. Existed throughout the ancient Near East and Mediterranean over several millennia.

The Hebrew word for “scribe” (סוֹפֵר, sopher) comes from the verbal root meaning “to write.” The participle form of the Hebrew word for scribe means “writer” or “secretary.” In Greek, the word is γραμματεύς (grammateus).

Background

Unlike the Pharisees or the Sadducees, scribes were not confined to Israel. The scribal tradition in Israel has its roots in the ancient Near Eastern civilization. Scribes worked in a variety of realms, including religious, political, judicial, economic, and social. Jewish scribes may have been employed in additional occupations, including:

• copying manuscripts;
• teaching and interpreting the Torah and other Jewish literature;
• working in the temple, royal court, or administration;
• being a political advisor or diplomat;
• working with ancient sciences;
• functioning as wise sages, elders, judges, or as members of the Sanhedrin;
• writing letters and documents for the kingdom, businesses, and private households.

Some scribes were part of the sect of the Pharisees or Sadducees, and some were also priests and Levites. The New Testament portrays the scribes as an organized group, but recent studies have been more tentative on such a conclusion.

Understanding the Scribes

Grasping the roles and function of the scribes can be difficult due to the presence of the vocation in many civilizations, time periods, and realms. Their education, especially their ability to read and write, enabled them to fill many roles within the government, religious activities, and households. Therefore, their roles and functions as portrayed in the New Testament, Jewish literature, and other sources from the ancient Near East vary. Not every scribe or group of scribes performed all the roles and functions that scribes have exercised in different locations and eras in the ancient world.

Ancient Sources

Scribal practices were common in ancient Near East civilizations and early Israel. In ancient Mesopotamia, the administrative, political, and teaching functions of a scribe went together with more routine tasks of copying, collating, and annotating manuscripts. Scribes occupied highest posts as royal secretaries in charge of correspondence, counselors, and high officials. Egyptian boys were trained early to read and write, and they became apprentices to scribes or high officials. Their training involved copying, reciting, and memorizing material (Saldarini, “Scribes,” 1012).

In ancient Israel, scribes arose to meet the needs of Judaean and Israelite monarchies beginning in the 10th century BC. According to Fishbane, the difference between the Israelite scribes and their neighbors was the scribes’ involvement in religious activities and with religious texts (Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation, 24). Scribes appeared in King David’s royal council (2 Sam 8:16–18), with King Solomon (1 Kgs 4:1–6), King Joash (2 Chr 24:11–12), and King Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:18, 37). Fishbane assumes that scribal skills were learned in various guild families (1 Chr 2:55) and enabled scribes to serve different state and administrative responsibilities (Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation, 25).

Certain scribes aided in military conscriptions (2 Kgs 25:19) and others, such as Shemaiah, oversaw priestly rotations (1 Chr 24:6) and provided services to the temple (2 Chr 34:13). Other scribes served as diplomats and sages. In addition to their administrative services, scribes copied, maintained, transmitted, and collated literary texts. Fishbane claims that scribal practices can be discerned from annotations to priestly regulations found in Leviticus and Numbers. These regulations were rendered in short collections or series, which indicates the presence of formal conventions of an established scribal tradition. Fishbane also cites superscriptive titles and summary colophons that are present in other ancient Near Eastern texts (Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation, 27–28).

During postexilic times, Ezra, the priest and scribe, served as the figure for postexilic restoration, national revival, and reform (Ezra 7:6–26; Neh 8:1–9). The emphasis was on studying the Torah and teaching the Law to the returned exiles (Fishbane, Biblical Interpretation, 36).

Jewish Literature

In Jewish literature, Ben Sira (Sirach 38:24–39:11) forms a picture of an ideal scribe. The scribe is characterized as someone who is wise and has time to study the law and the wisdom of the ancients. The scribe serves among rulers, travels to foreign lands, and intercedes for people. The scribe is filled with the spirit of understanding, manifested by the word of wisdom that comes from the Lord based on what he learns. Famous scribes in Jewish literature include Enoch, the scribe of righteousness (1 Enoch), and Baruch, the community leader whose authority exceeds even Jeremiah’s (2 Baruch).

Scribes are depicted as heirs to prophets, interpreters, and visionaries with links to the apocalyptic and wisdom traditions. Scribes also are associated with the Hasidims (a group of separatists known as the “righteous” or “pious”; see Greenspoon, Between Alexander and Antioch, 343) who offered themselves willingly for the law (1 Macc 2:42; see 7:12–14). A leading scribe, Eleazar, died for the law as an example to younger Jews, after he refused to eat pig meat from a pagan altar (2 Macc 6:18).

CITED

Tan-Gatue, P. (2016). Scribe. In J. D. Barry, D. Bomar, D. R. Brown, R. Klippenstein, D. Mangum, C. Sinclair Wolcott, L. Wentz, E. Ritzema, & W. Widder (Eds.), The Lexham Bible Dictionary. Lexham Press.

Overview

Shared meals often expresses the universal Near Eastern value of hospitality (Gen 18:1–8; Heb 13:2). Meals can affirm kinship, friendship, and goodwill (Gen 31:33–54), acknowledge one’s status (1 Kgs 17:8–16; 2 Kgs 4:8–11), or recognize a peaceful disposition and commitment to nonaggression (Gen 26:26–33; Josh 9:14–15). Depending on the context and occasion, meal fellowship can convey nonverbal messages relating to interpersonal relationships.

Ancient Israelite meals can be divided into ordinary, festive, and sacred. In the East, all aspects of life are perceived as spiritual occasions; when it comes to meals, the kitchen table and the altar are inseparable (Rosenblum, Food and Identity, 52). The members of the Qumran community, who wrote the Dead Sea Scrolls, saw themselves and their meals as a living human sanctuary (Magness, Stone and Dung, 79). For most Jews, meals connected to sacrificial worship were considered especially sacred, and can be seen as a separate category.

Timing, Setting, and Contents of Meals

Ancient Israelites and their neighbors ate ordinary meals twice a day: one during the hottest part of the day, and one at the very conclusion of the day (Jer 52:33–34; Josephus, Antiquities XIV.15.11; VI.4.1; MacDonald, What Did the Ancient Israelites Eat? 91–92). The morning meals were usually simple and evening meals more elaborate (Luke 9:12; 24:29–30; Josephus, Antiquities VI. 4.1). On the Sabbath it was customary to eat three meals instead of two (b. Shabbat 10; Josephus, Life 54). The timing and frequency of meals could also be influenced by status and occupation (b. Sanhedrin 10a).

Ordinary meals consisted of bread made from wheat and barley; parched grain; olive oil and olives; and stews from lentils, beans, and vegetables. Israelites ate fish, honey, fruits of all kinds, grapes, dates and figs, raisins, and dairy products like curds and cheeses (MacDonald, What Did the Ancient Israelites Eat? 17, 30–40). The meat of clean animals (Lev 11:3–8, Deut 14:4–8) was consumed rarely, usually as a part of sacred meals and during the most festive occasions (King and Stager, Life in Biblical Israel, 68; MacDonald, What Did the Ancient Israelites Eat? 92). Israelites also occasionally ate wild game and fowl (Gen 27:3–4; Exod 16:13).

Some Jews ate only after the morning prayers (Acts 2:15). It was customary to recite short prayers just before meals (1 Sam 9:13, Matt 14:19; 15:36; 26:26; Luke 9:16; John 6:11; War Scroll 2; m. Berakhot 6:5; Josephus, Antiquities II.12.12; Apology of Aristides 15). Jews also expressed thanksgiving through prayers following the meals (Deut 8:10; Josephus, Jewish War II. 8.5; b. Berakhot 35a). Some Jews celebrated special occasions with symposium- or triclinium-style banquets lasting late into the night, while Qumran Jews preferred simplicity, eating in complete silence (Josephus, Life 44; Jewish War II. 8.5; War Scroll 2.129–33).

Dining areas were typically shaded from the sun, sometimes indoors, at other times on the roofs (1 Sam 9:26) and on porches attached to the exterior of the house. Because of food preparation, meals could be lengthy. Seating at meals was arranged by status (Matt 23:6; Carter, Roman Empire, 110–12; Smith, 10), with places of honor to the right and to the left of the host (1 Sam 9:22–24; Matt 20:21–23). Meals were eaten sitting (Gen 37:25; Exod 32:6; 1 Sam 20:24) or reclining (Matt 26:6–7; Luke 7:36–37; Josephus, Antiquities, 15:9. 3; Smith, From Symposium to Eucharist, 10). Reclining was the custom of the wealthy and usually practiced by most at festive meals (Amos 6:4; 1 Esdras 4:10, Tobit 2:1). While reclining, one’s head rested close to the chest of the adjacent person dining, explaining the biblical phraseology of “being in one’s bosom” (John 13:23, Luke 16:22; Matt 8:11).

Meals and Hygiene

Because bread was an indispensable staple and a substantial part of most meals, it often represented the meal itself (e.g., Gen 37:25; Exod 2:20; 1 Sam 28:22–25; Matt 6:11; Rosenblum, Food and Identity, 17–18). Bread was not cut, but typically broken with hands. This is reflected by the common expression “to break bread” (Luke 24:35; Acts 2:42, 46). Dishes were usually shared among all guests (b. Berakhot 47a; b. Gittin 59b). Since eating was done with hands, washing hands before meals was customary (Luke 11:38; m. Yadayim 4:2). For some Jews, washing hands and utensils involved in meals was associated with rules of ritual purity (Mark 7:2–4; Matt 15:2, 20; b. Berakhot 53b; m. Kelim 2:1). Washing feet was another custom practiced especially prior to reclining at meals (Gen 24:32; John 13:5; 1 Tim 5:10). Qumran Jews bathed their entire bodies prior to meals (Magness, Stone and Dung, 20). Ancient mealtime could also be preceded by other hygiene practices, such as the use of oil or perfume (Psa 23:5; Luke 7:44–46).

Table Restrictions

Although there are many biblical examples of Jews sharing meals with non-Jews and accepting food from non-Jews in earlier times (Gen 14:18; 26:30; Exod 18:12; Deut 2:28, 23:4–7; 2 Kings 4:8; 25:29–30), the social and the spiritual meanings of meals restricted such interaction during the Second Temple Period (Freidenreich, Foreigners, 57–58). The possibility of defilement and association with food involved in idol worship was assumed (Acts 10:28; 11:3; Joseph and Aseneth 7:1; m. Hullin 2:8) and tensions over such table fellowship surfaced among early Jewish followers of Jesus (Acts 15:29; Gal 2:12). Besides the Jewish-Gentile tensions during the Second Temple Period, table fellowship was often restricted even between the members of various Jewish groups (Community Rule 1QS 6:16–21, Josephus, Jewish War 2.139; Magness, Stone and Dung, 83).

Passover and the Eucharist/Lord’s Supper

Most scholars believe that the early Christian practice of the Eucharist (εὐχαριστία, eucharistia) or the Lord’s Supper (κυριακὸν δεῖπνον, kyriakon deipnon; 1 Cor 11:23–25) was established on the foundation of the Jewish Passover meal described as the “Last Supper” in the Synoptic Gospels (Mark 14:22–25; Matt 26:26–29; Luke 22:14–20). The Jewish Passover was celebrated as a memorial meal (זִכָּרוֹן, zikkaron) commemorating a central event that established a common identity (Exod 12:14). The remembrance of Christ’s sacrifice was theologically developed within this existing paradigm. Different parts of the traditional Passover meal in the first century AD symbolized and recalled stages of the Exodus narrative (b. Pesahim 115b–17b). Some features were understood in an eschatological light (Smith, From Symposium to Eucharist, 169–70). Following this pattern, Jesus assigned the symbolism of His death to bread and wine. Ancient Passover meals included the meat of the sacrifice, which was restricted. Those who were not circumcised and did not share Israel’s covenant identity were not allowed to partake (Exod 12:48). Early Christians, in remembering the Lord, limited the Eucharist only to those who were baptized (Didache 9:5).

Noting the absence of an obvious Passover motif in John and other evidence, some scholars have proposed the connection of eucharistic practice not to Passover, but to other types of first-century meals (Smith, From Symposium to Eucharist, 174; LaVerdiere, Eucharist, 193; Freidenreich, Foreigners, 57–58). Although bread and a cup of wine are presently and historically the main features of the remembrance ritual, originally the practice also included full-course meals (Smith, From Symposium to Eucharist, 174; LaVerdiere, Eucharist/, 193). Most meals shared by early Christians in the New Testament, however, did not necessarily include the Eucharist, but were regular fellowship meals.

Selected Resources for Further Study

• Carter, Warren. The Roman Empire and the New Testament: An Essential Guide. Nashville: Abingdon, 2010.
• Freidenreich, David M. Foreigners and Their Food: Constructing Otherness in Jewish, Christian, and Islamic Law. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2011.
• Gray, Tim. From Jewish Passover to Christian Eucharist: The Todah Sacrifice as Backdrop for the Last Supper. Steubenville, Ohio: Emmaus Road, 2006.
• King, Philip J., and Lawrence E. Stager. Life in Biblical Israel. Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2001.
• LaVerdiere, Eugene. The Eucharist in the New Testament and the Early Church. Collegeville, Minn.: Liturgical Press, 1996.
• MacDonald, Nathan. What Did the Ancient Israelites Eat?: Diet in Biblical Times. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2008.
• Magness, Jodi. Stone and Dung, Oil and Spit: Jewish Daily Life in the Time of Jesus. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2011.
• Rosenblum, Jordan. Food and Identity in Early Rabbinic Judaism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010.
• Smith, Dennis Edwin, From Symposium to Eucharist: The Banquet in the Early Christian World. Minneapolis: Fortress, 2003.

AUTHOR

PETER SHIROKOV

CITED

Shirokov, P. (2016). Meal Customs. In J. D. Barry, D. Bomar, D. R. Brown, R. Klippenstein, D. Mangum, C. Sinclair Wolcott, L. Wentz, E. Ritzema, & W. Widder (Eds.), The Lexham Bible Dictionary. Lexham Press.